Thoughts on production, alienation, and ideology

Month: August 2024

Is DSA a Sectarian Org?

In my last couple of posts, I charted out some of the deep tensions within DSA. I charted some of its issues with post-pandemic social anxiety and psychological safety a couple of weeks ago. And then last week, I analyzed its position with respect to progressive activism.

In that post, I presented DSA as an org for activists and enthusiasts rather than for a working-class base. And in that regard, DSA looks more like one node in a broader progressive activist network rather than a grassroots working-class movement.

But some people within DSA argue that the org is descending into a sectarian one. I took up this question a couple of years ago, where I denied this view.

But since the election of a new NPC that contains multiple democratic centralist factions, have things changed?

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Is DSA a Working-Class Org?

DSA is an org that professes to organize the ‘multiracial working class.’ It presents itself as a site for the building of working-class power across lines of race, gender, sexuality, and other identity categories. Indeed, these things allegedly set DSA apart both from the sectarian left and the progressive NGO space.

The trouble is that just about everyone to the left of Joe Biden tells some version of that story. It seems like they all love the ‘multiracial working class’ now. This complicates how DSA uses this story to set itself apart.

At the end of the day, I think we can separate DSA from the sectarian left. I’ll say a bit more about that in a future post. For this one, I’ll point out that DSA’s use of the magic phrase looks the same to me as the one we find in the progressive NGO space.

Read on to find out why.

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The Descent of Left Activism

Tim Alberta begins his book The Kingdom, the Power, and the Glory with a personal story about the evangelical church in the Trump era. Increasingly angry at its own leaders and fellow members for even minor deviations from political orthodoxy, radical church members even berated Alberta at his father’s funeral.

Right wing Christians were always a cantankerous bunch. But since the election of Trump in 2016, and especially since the start of the pandemic in 2020, they’ve gotten much worse. They’ve fallen deeply into Trump inspired conspiracy theory. And they attack even fellow right-wing Christians like Mike Pence – and even their own right-wing pastors – as ‘woke,’ far left radicals.

Alberta thinks the Religious Right is tearing itself apart. It has jettisoned even its core religious beliefs, falling into more of a warped Trump cult than a religious community. It believes whatever Trump and the far right media circuit say on any given day.

As I read Alberta’s book, I realized I’ve seen things like this in left activist groups. And I want to dwell on that for a bit. I’m hardly the first person to draw a comparison between leftists and evangelicals. And the comparison is usually a trite and uninteresting one.

I’ll see if I can draw it in a more useful way.

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Anti-Capitalist Capitalism and the Church of HR

The world has developed a few striking new features since 2020 – since the pandemic and the protests in response to the police murder of George Floyd. Among those features, here’s one that stands out to me: the rise of explicitly anti-capitalist branding within the capitalist system.

That is to say, people and companies use anti-capitalist messages, logos, and slogans in order to sell things to people or push companies and their workers toward efficiency and profit. So, we’re not just talking about Che Guevara t-shirts here.

It goes deeper than that.

A few years ago, I wrote about one facet of this that we might call ‘Woke HR.’ But let’s look into this a bit further.

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