Alienation, autonomy, and ideology

Category: Activism (Page 2 of 30)

These are posts on activism from the blog Base and Superstructure. This takes many forms. The focus here is on political activism, above all on activist organizing and base-building. One concern is how to build effective movements. There’s also a need to create solidarity with fellow members and build coalitions with other groups. The main aim of good movements is to work together to advance material interests. This section also includes critiques of electoral work, and discussion of how and when to use elections to advance activist goals. Navigating the balance between grassroots work and electoral work is difficult for everyone.

Did Entryists Take Over DSA?

DSA held its 2025 National Convention earlier this month, and the ‘DSA Left’ landed another series of wins. From anti-Zionism to a new NPC with a larger ‘left’ majority, the DSA Left built and expanded on its work at the 2023 Convention. In response, a variety of people claimed that ‘entryists’ have taken over DSA and held its members hostage to their ‘revolutionary socialist’ demands.

But they ground these claims in a misunderstanding of DSA. They miss how and why DSA grew around the 2016 and 2020 Democratic primaries and general election.

Let’s take a closer look at the details.

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Woke Capitalism and Activists

The political far right has made a great deal of hay in the last decade out of the phenomenon of ‘woke capitalism.’ Of course, they rarely bother explaining what the term ‘woke capitalism’ even means, beyond vague gesturing toward corporate DEI programs. To get a sense of things, we have to turn to the left.

On the left, we hear more interesting questions about the relationship between racial justice progressive activism and woke capitalism. The original Black Lives Matter movement sparked some of these issues. But we hear it far more in the wake of the pandemic era 2020 resurgence.

In short, does woke capitalism co-opt racial justice movements? Or do racial justice activists simply promote ideas that woke capitalism likes?

Let’s take a moment to examine the contenders.

One side says that the world of corporate diversity co-opts the genuinely radical demands of true racial justice activists. We find this view expressed well, for instance, in the book Elite Capture by Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò. I also profiled an especially egregious case in an earlier post that fits this model quite well.

The other side thinks that racial justice progressivism actually aligns with woke capitalism by pushing class to the margins and placing race in the driver’s seat. They think woke capitalism has no problem with racial equality, so long as the class system remains in place. We often find this view in the pages of Jacobin magazine or the books of Adolph Reed Jr. And, of course, I’m on record arguing that an ‘anti-racist capitalism’ is at least theoretically possible.

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Democratic Centralism: First as Tragedy, Second as Farce

On an episode of Revolutionary Left Radio, Alyson and Breht review in detail the text of Marx’s 18th Brumaire.

Along the way, they point to one of Marx’s most famous quotes: “Hegel remarks somewhere that all great world-historic facts and personages appear, so to speak, twice. He forgot to add: the first time as tragedy, the second time as farce.”

The quote references the transition in French politics from Napoleon Bonaparte to Louis Bonaparte. But we need not concern ourselves with the details here. Suffice it to say that Napoleon stood in for tragedy – the Napoleonic Wars killed millions – and Louis for farce, as his version of the French Empire paled in comparison to the first.

I find something like this on parts of the sectarian left. Some leftists – some from democratic centralism, some Marxism-Leninism, et al. – look to the historical work of leftist figures for lessons they rigidly apply to the modern world. It’s as though Lenin (or Kautsky, or Engels) speak directly to our time, giving us the secret blueprint for how to finally build the U.S. left into a force ready to take power.

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Does the Left Need a ‘Rooted Cosmopolitanism’?

In a recent issue of Catalyst, Jacopo Custodi argued that the left should adopt a ‘rooted cosmopolitanism.’

This sounds like an oxymoron (see note at bottom), a feeling Custodi tries to turn into something productive. He argues that not only can the phrase make sense, but also that wrestling with its implications will allow the left to reconcile popular working-class sentiments with the construction of an international socialist movement.

It’s not hard to imagine the appeal of ‘rooted cosmopolitanism.’ Custodi wants the sense of ‘national belonging’ that most of us feel. But he wants it without all the negatives of nationalist politics. He wants real cosmopolitanism while allowing for the fact that most people – especially working-class people – remain attached to their country of origin.

Can Custodi have his cake and eat it, too?

While I see the appeal of the notion of rooted cosmopolitanism, I don’t think he can.

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Political Education: A Lost Art

At times, I think back to 2018 and try to recall why I started a blog. Much of the reason amounts to having a productive creative outlet for the thoughts constantly moving through my head. But the answer of ‘political education’ also lurks.

With my background in academic philosophy and leftist political organizing, I could offer readers a few insights by way of political education. Or so I hoped.

But when I started writing a post about political education, I thought about calling it ‘the uses and misuses of political education.’ That title gets at how the topic strikes me. Every leftist tendency – from the wildest sect to the mildest flavor of ‘democratic socialism’ – loves to talk about political education. Lots of DSA chapters make moves in that direction.

But something bothers me about all this so-called ‘political education.’

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