Thoughts on production, alienation, and ideology

Category: Activism (Page 25 of 29)

These are posts on activism from the blog Base and Superstructure. This takes many forms. The focus here is on political activism, above all on activist organizing and base-building. One concern is how to build effective movements. There’s also a need to create solidarity with fellow members and build coalitions with other groups. The main aim of good movements is to work together to advance material interests. This section also includes critiques of electoral work, and discussion of how and when to use elections to advance activist goals. Navigating the balance between grassroots work and electoral work is difficult for everyone.

A Dilemma for Social Democratic Parties

It’s one thing to say we need a social democratic party – or socialist party – in the U.S. It’s quite another to say who its members will be.

But plenty of leftists think they’ve got it down. The story goes something like this. First, we organize around a social democratic platform: Medicare for All, a $15-20/hour minimum wage, free college and cancellation of student loan debt, housing for all, a Green New Deal, et al. Then, we use the strength and momentum from the social democratic program to push for more. We directly challenge the basic capitalist structure of ownership and control.

Sure, the plan has its problems and pitfalls. For example, do we organize within or outside of the Democratic Party? But most leftists endorse it in its broad outlines. For a couple of recent examples among many, see Bhaskar Sunkara’s book The Socialist Manifesto and Nathan J. Robinson’s book Why You Should Be a Socialist.

I do think the plan’s proponents underestimate the difficulty of finding a constituency for a social democratic party. They heavily rely on appeals to the materials interests of the U.S. working class, but those interests – and the size of the working class to which they appeal – are shakier than they think.

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Toward Better Public Housing

I love the idea of public housing. That shouldn’t come as a surprise to any of you who have spoken with me about it. But many people don’t love it at all. Why? Sometimes they display racism, white fear or fragility, et al. I’m not going to spend too much time on that. At other times, they worry about crime, livability of neighborhoods, et al.

To be clear, it’s tough to disentangle the latter from the former. But sometimes people who live in public housing themselves – or who live nearby – express those concerns. That’s worth taking far more seriously.

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3 Issues from No Shortcuts

So, I’m involved in a labor working group with the Iowa City DSA! We’ve just started reading Jane McAlevey‘s book No Shortcuts in a reading group as a part of our efforts. As it happens, that book was on my earlier summer reading list! Have any of you read it? Here are some quick questions that came to mind while I was reading.

3 Issues from No Shortcuts

1. Agency and Structure

As workers and community members, to what extent do we control the success of our movements and to what extent is that success directed or determined by external forces? McAlevey’s focus in No Shortcuts is very much on worker agency, and to do so she assumes we have a lot of it. Do we? And where are the limits?

One of my favorite books on activism is Poor People’s Movements by Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward. They focus on the interrelations between agency and structure. One key point they make is that popular movements succeed when they organize, as McAlevey also points out. But that’s a necessary condition, not a sufficient one. Successful movements also require the right opportunity, or structural conditions that are right for the movement to succeed.

How do we handle that latter issue? Are there things we can do to bring about the right conditions? Surely we don’t have to just wait for them. But we surely also have to look for those conditions and pay attention to whether and how they’re present.

2. The Site of Organizing

McAlevey’s lessons and cases are mostly about organizing in a workplace. Particularly a workplace with a fixed (or relatively consistent) number of staff. She talks a lot in No Shortcuts about the point of reaching the workforce and building majority support.

These are great lessons for workplace organizing, but more difficult to apply to organizing working class people across workforces or who might be temporarily out of the workforce. It raises for me the issue of which site or sites to focus on. Ought local socialist groups try to focus on particular workplaces and take advantage of the fixed numbers? Or should we try to organize more broadly and try to work around any disadvantages that come from lack of an obvious bargaining unit? Or should we do both?

3. Alinskyism

McAlevey’s none too impressed with Saul Alinsky, particularly the sort of movements he advocates for in works like Rules for Radicals. For the record, I tend to agree that Alinskyist movements have their problems. In particular, for me, it’s the lack of a commitment to a socialist direction and the clarity and guidance that comes along with such a commitment.

How do we, then, avoid the mistakes of Alinskyism, e.g., building movements around enthusiastic people rather than organic leaders, allowing organizers to lead as a shadow force, etc.?

Note

Of course, this list is hardly exhaustive. These are just a few things that came to mind as I re-read No Shortcuts. Anything else about the book you wanted to mention?

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4 Reasons to Learn Spanish

I’ve tried to learn Spanish several times, but I’m sorry to say I haven’t had much luck. The first time was in high school, and my high school offered the choice faced by many in United States rural and/or lower income communities: a couple of French classes or a couple of Spanish classes. I chose Spanish. The courses were painfully slow, and I didn’t pick up much.

Later on in college, like many former Catholics who majored in philosophy, I took Latin courses for my language requirement. Latin obviously isn’t Spanish, but it’s helpful. And then, about 6 months ago, I took up Spanish again via podcasts called Coffee Break Spanish.

More Americans should learn Spanish. Why? Minimally, Americans should learn some language other than English. Many Americans make it through life as total monolinguists. This is much less common in lots of other places. And, sadly, I count myself among the Americans who don’t really know a second language. Sure, I can muddle my way through lots of Latin texts and some German texts. I’ve picked up a basic understanding of Spanish, though I still can’t speak it.

I think all that’s a shame. It’s a manifestation of US-chauvinism and our excessively English-centric international business, cultural, and scientific climates.

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Prison Abolition: Variations on a Theme

‘Prison abolition’ doesn’t sound complicated. It’s abolishing prison. Done. Put that shit through a spell check, clock out early, and fly a kite. But it is complicated. Go figure.

I recently saw a Twitter thread on the term ‘prison abolition’. Here’s the background. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez wrote some tweets explaining and defending limits on the prison system, using ‘prison abolition’ as a hook. Carissa Byrne Hessick, a criminal law professor and director of the Prosecutors and Politics Project, responded.

Hessick largely agreed with AOC, but she objected to AOC’s use of ‘prison abolition’. She thought AOC misused the term. Why? Well, AOC doesn’t advocate abolishing all forms of imprisonment or confinement under a judicial system. Rather, she wants to close most prisons and release many prisoners. Since ‘prison abolition’, according to Hessick, means to eliminate all of those things, AOC misused the term. Perhaps in a politically motivated way?

Is Hessick right? I’ll argue she’s not. Or, at least, I think we can build a coherent concept of ‘prison abolition’ that doesn’t abolish all forms of confinement. Whether AOC’s on board with this is a separate issue.

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