Alienation, autonomy, and ideology

Category: Class (Page 4 of 24)

‘Affordable Housing’ is a Political Football

Progressive cities love affordable housing. At least, they love something they call ‘affordable housing.’ Therein lies a series of problems.

Politicians in these cities know lots of people can’t pay rent. And that lots of people pay half their incomes just to rent a house, blocking them from buying homes or saving for retirement. Many of these politicos genuinely want to solve the problem. They turn to ‘affordable housing’ in order to do it.

And yet, finance capital dominates the politics of cities, even progressive ones. Bankers, developers, and landlords punch well above their numbers. Investors demand a return on their money. Developers and landlords demand a never ending flow of profits. In addition, mayors and city managers demand a steady, and rising, tax base.

Progressive politicians thus need to create affordable housing while also satisfying finance capital, profit, and the sustainability of local government. How can they do it?

To start, they can think about ‘affordable housing’ in a way that meshes with financial interests. And, indeed, that’s what they do.

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Jacobin Study, Part 2: We’re Not Ready for Electoral Politics

A couple years ago, Jacobin commissioned a study of working-class voters. I took a close look at the study in an earlier post, and in many ways the study went quite well for Jacobin. While it didn’t necessarily support the mag’s focus on elections and the national political narrative, it did suggest that working-class voters are attracted to a progressive, populist political message.

Jacobin continued the study with a second part, and so I’ll continue with a second post. Readers can check out the mag’s intro to the study here. And they can check out the full study here. While the first study provided social democrats with reason for optimism, the second study paints a much more challenging landscape.

Let’s talk about why.

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Class Constructivism: A Dead End

Sociologists Michael McCarthy and Mathieu Hikaru Desan recently sketched out their response to the class reductionism debate. Their approach lines up rather nicely with the one I took in a post and article. But they also make conceptual space for views I think we can see floating around in various forms. I want to take a look at one such view: class constructivism.

I’ll start by saying a word about how McCarthy and Desan lay out the conceptual space. And then I’ll move on to sketch out class constructivism. While few views completely fit into the class constructivism camp, I think we can find appeals to something like it within common perspectives in both DSA and the broader left.

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Working While Sick

I don’t have many lofty thoughts on the topic of working while sick. It’s just that I recently overheard someone coughing in public, and it made me uncomfortable. Not as uncomfortable as it would have in March or April 2020. But uncomfortable.

Uncomfortable in a way that it wouldn’t have made me in 2019, you know? And that takes me back to the world of the white-collar office before 2020. When people showed up to work, in-person, while sick. And they did it all the damn time.

What was with that?

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After Black Lives Matter

Cedric Johnson dropped After Black Lives Matter into an ongoing debate between a ‘woke’ and ‘anti-woke’ left. It’s an older debate, but one running hot in the last few years. Unlike many other authors, Johnson tries, at least in some ways, to work around and between the two camps.

Not that he always succeeds. And it’s pretty clear which side he prefers (the ‘anti-woke’ side). But I think he wrote After Black Lives Matter in an effort to move the debate forward.

Let’s take a look.

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