Thoughts on production, alienation, and ideology

Category: Class (Page 5 of 24)

A Note on ‘Proletarian’ and ‘Worker’

Leftists talk a great deal about the term ‘working class.’ I even included it in my blog lexicon! In this post, I want to say a word about two terms related to all that – ‘proletarian’ and ‘worker.’ I think those terms reveal a great deal about the working class politics of the left.

I won’t exactly define those two terms in this post. But I will take some steps toward defining them. In particular, I’ll argue against using the terms interchangeably. Instead, I’ll suggest thinking about ‘proletarian’ as a subset of ‘worker.’ In doing so, I think we find new insights.

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Bullshit Tasks, Not Bullshit Jobs

I focus a great deal on the corporate world in this blog, notably on the special brand of ennui that cuts through that world. Given my focus in past posts on the need to organize workers in white collar industries, you might think I recommend the David Graeber book Bullshit Jobs whenever I get the chance. After all, it’s the best known popular critique of leadership and fluff in corporate land. It especially aims at pointless and/or socially negative elements, such as HR leaders, PR types, and lobbyists.

But you’d be wrong.

As I’ve mentioned before, Graeber’s best work is The Utopia of Rules. Recently, Matteo Tiratelli published an article in Catalyst that goes a long way toward explaining why. He effectively criticizes Graeber’s notion of ‘bullshit jobs‘ and points toward a better alternative.

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MTG and MLD

The Atlantic recently wrote a profile of Marjorie Taylor Greene (MTG). At the beginning, it offered a brief bio.

MTG’s father grew up in a working-class family, born to a factory worker. He got into home construction first as a worker and contractor, and then as the owner of a small construction company. MTG grew up in a more rural part of a red state in an area with a deep history of racism. That history left the area with almost no black population. Her parents raised her Catholic, but she later left the church.

MTG attended the major public university in her state and became the first college graduate in her family. And as she got older, she saw something deeply wrong with the world.

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Severance and White-Collar Organizing

The new TV show Severance drew lots of attention as it finished up its first season. Some of it even from a leftist perspective! Or at least a near left perspective. Even more interestingly, those who view Severance through a leftist lens see it as a show about worker solidarity and workplace organizing.

Can Severance teach us something about workplace organizing? I think it can! In fact, I think it highlights a major gap in the U.S. union movement. A gap that leftists could – and should – fill.

Let’s talk about all this.

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Should Socialism Be a Youth Movement?

Recently, a debate opened up between two DSA caucuses – Socialist Majority and Bread & Roses – over a few strategic questions. Among other things, it shows an emerging split within the national org’s majority coalition. I don’t want to review the entire debate, especially since I’ve looked at parts of it in other posts. Rather, I want to look at a new part of the debate: the issue of who the DSA should target in its recruiting efforts. Should the DSA try to be a youth movement?

As a start, I’ll note that in some ways, the DSA is already a youth movement. It grew from 2015 to 2020, often rapidly. And it did so in large part on the strength of new members under the age of 30. Nearly everyone who joined was under the age of 40. But is all this the goal of a good recruiting effort? Should DSA keep focusing its efforts on finding new members among young people?

I think the answer is more complicated than the simple “yes” given by the Bread & Roses faction.

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