Thoughts on production, alienation, and ideology

Category: Trumpism (Page 1 of 4)

These are posts on Donald Trump and Trumpism from the blog Base and Superstructure. Trump took American politics by surprise. This provides us with a number of topics for further discussion. Some posts discuss whether Trump’s movement is fascist. Others critique the movement. Still others provide us with ways to combat against Trumpism and replace it with a class politics grounded in solidarity and the advancement of material interests. Even after Trump has left office, his movement is likely to continue as a component of American politics for years to come. These issues will be relevant for some time to come.

Re-Assessing Trump’s Base

After Trump won the 2016 election, the mainstream media – and even many leftists! – promoted a certain falsehood. They claimed Trump won on the strength of a working-class voter base.

The reality was much different.

In fact, Trump’s base looked similar to the typical GOP base. It differed only in degree. Trump won on the strength of voters who combined a high income with a low education. Most of these voters were a part of what Marxists call the ‘petty bourgeois’ class, and many of them were just regular wealthy people. I covered this more extensively in a 2018 post and a later Medium article.

The ‘one weird trick’ Trump pulled led to all the confusion. It’s a specific rhetorical trick. In short, Trump speaks about one audience, but to another. He often expresses the hopes and fears of working-class people, but he targets wealthier voters with the message. The press conflates the subject audience with the target audience. Readers can review that argument here.

But we’re not here to talk about 2016 or 2020. Trump won again in 2024, and the mainstream media – and even many leftists! – make the same claim.

So, how about this time? Surely Trump attracted a working-class target base in 2024, right?

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Trump’s Victory Plan

Donald Trump has dominated news coverage in the U.S. for over 9 years. But in all that time, liberals and even leftists still haven’t learned much about how he operates. His politics remain a mystery to them, sparking widespread and ineffective reaction.

I made my first attempt at mapping Trump’s rhetoric way back in 2018. In that post, I said a few words about how Trump selects his topic and audience.

I’ll build on that post in this one. But this time our topic is how Trump uses hyperbole, unclear language, and provocative behavior to generate overreaction from his Democratic opponents.

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What Would An Authoritarian US Look Like?

So, I’ve spent a lot of time thinking and writing about the far right in the US. I do so not because I read history (though I do read history). Rather, I think lots of other people use historical analogies that don’t quite work. I think far-right politics in the US look and feel much different than those in, e.g., 1930s Italy and Germany.

At times, this puts me at odds with progressive and even leftist circles. Progressive authors – like Jason Stanley – draw analogies between Trumpism and ‘classic’ fascism. They do so, in part, in order to show the warning signs. We even see things like this in ‘Antifa‘ circles. Those circles focus on small militant groups in their early stages.

I don’t object to any of that, as far as it goes. But progressive work like Stanley’s tends to leave us with a misleading picture in mind of what authoritarianism would look like in the US.

Let’s take up that topic.

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Al Bundy: Tribune of Trumpism

Like lots of kids who grew up in the rural Midwest – at least prior to Internet access and smartphones – I watched a lot of trash TV as a kid. I mean, a lot. Including a little show about Al Bundy, which I’ll get to in a minute.

It’s not like you could just step out of your house, walk down the sidewalk, and play with other kids. I did the whole Little League Baseball thing for 10 years. But we played, what, 12 games a year? What did we do on the other 75 days of summer?

We watched trash TV, that’s what.

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Politics in the Rural Midwest

So, a few readers know I grew up in rural southern Indiana. The politics out there aren’t great. I mean, really not great. It’s been a bastion of various kinds of far right activity for some time. And it stands in well enough for the rural Midwest as a whole. It’s a bit more southern than, say, rural Iowa. But the politics are close cousins.

At the same time, lots of people – especially liberals – hold various misconceptions about life and politics in the rural Midwest. The truth of the matter is that there’s quite a bit of diversity of thought and opinion in the rural Midwest. Liberals miss that part.

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