Base and Superstructure

Thoughts on production, alienation, and ideology

Page 8 of 110

Attachment Theory: Let’s Not Get Too Attached

A visual depiction of attachment theory and four attachment styles, namely secure, anxious, avoidance, and fearful.

Attachment theory has gotten big in recent years, in large part due to young people pushing it on social media. It’s especially popular with young people who struggle to understand the motives of others. Especially others they’re dating (or trying to date).

Uh-oh. Dating and pop psychology rarely mix well. They don’t mix well in this case, either.

Laura Pitcher recently wrote in Nylon about the ‘Tiktokification‘ of attachment theory. It’s worth a read for a number of reasons. But one reason stands out to me. And it’s a point I’ve been hitting ever since my grad school days, culminating in my first book – Classify and Label.

We’ll take a look at that point.

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Leftist Cultural Spaces?

Nathan J. Robinson spent some time with an old leftist mag called New Masses. And he suggested in a recent issue of Current Affairs that we need more leftist cultural spaces.

From 1926 to 1948, New Masses created an entire system of leftist cultural spaces. It included poetry, fiction, cultural analysis, music, and art. And it did all these things in addition to the political analysis one might expect from a leftist mag. Its Stalinism aside, the mag created a playful, insightful space for leftists to engage with one another.

Robinson flirts with the idea of creating new leftist cultural spaces in the 21st century. Wouldn’t that be a grand idea? At least, Robinson muses that it would be.

Would it?

Maybe. I’m far from opposed to it, at least in principle. But mass cultural narratives in the 21st century create special difficulties for us.

But I want to ask a different question. How would these leftist cultural spaces differ from what we already have?

Let’s face it. The internet encourages leftists to create all sorts of cultural bubbles. Especially Internet based bubbles. Leftists spend a lot of time talking to one another on platforms like Twitter (or Xitter, my favorite term for it). In those spaces, they offer often lousy political analysis, and they compete with one another to see who can use the most elevator words and express the most ultra-progressive sentiment.

So, I’m open to the idea Robinson proposes. But I also want to hear how we can make it better than what we have now. How do we keep leftist cultural spaces from degenerating into Internet based cultural and sub-cultural bubbles?

What do readers think?

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Progressive ‘Organizing’ vs. Leftist Organizing

Sometime last year, I attended a neighborhood meeting. We were setting up a local org to advocate for neighborhood interests. As well as hold fun parties and events.

Setting up a group like that involves considering lots of issues. But one key issue amounts to deciding who, exactly, makes up the org’s constituency. Whose interests should we include? Did we want an org of residents or residential and commercial property owners?

What is a neighborhood org, anyway? Did we want it to be an org of tenants and homeowners, or an org of homeowners, landlords, and small business owners? As readers might imagine, I advocated strongly for the former.

But during the discussion, a local politician objected to that whole question. He claimed constituency ‘doesn’t matter’ and that ‘debates like this turn people off from joining an org.’ In his opinion, the policies we advocate would matter far more than who makes up the group.

Where might this strange view come from?

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Is Iowa City a Strong Town?

I was sitting down a few weeks ago, greatly enjoying the most recent issue of Current Affairs, when I came across an article on the Charles Marohn blog and book Strong Towns.

Here’s the basic idea: Strong Towns pitches itself as a forward thinking, progressive movement. But, in reality, it’s just a warmed over version of a set of libertarian ideas. It advances the view that market incentives and ‘nudges’ should replace the state.

What kinds of market incentives and policies? In short, Strong Towns advocates for things like housing upzoning and bus services targeted at economic development rather than need. We thereby avoid ideas like public housing and working class centered public transit and utilities services.

Thinking about all this reminds me of something…

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