Base and Superstructure

Alienation, autonomy, and ideology

Page 84 of 117

The Value of Automation

Automation isn’t profitable for the companies building products and services on it. Uber claims it’ll be profitable by the end of 2020, but it’s not there yet. It lost $8.5 billion in 2019. Analysts remain skeptical. Lyft is wildly unprofitable, not even pretending it can make it by the end of this year. Grubhub and DoorDash lose money, especially on the food delivery component of their business. And investors and the tech press are putting the pressure on. WeWork – a coworking startup – might be one of the most unprofitable companies in the world.

Even the far less dicey social media world is less a goldmine than one might think. Twitter is profitable, but barely. It consistently misses its own profit forecasts. And Facebook – once wildly profitable – now suffers from narrowing profit margins.

These companies are household names, They’re darlings of the tech sector and widely emulated throughout the U.S. economy. How many executives say their businesses should be ‘more like Uber’ or ‘scrappy like WeWork or DoorDash’?

Why do CEOs model their businesses after losers?

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In The Dream House

I get a feeling of uncanny accuracy when I read In the Dream House. Not because I’ve ever been in an abusive relationship. I haven’t, and I hope things stay that way forever. It’s because the road – both geographical and description of place – looks so familiar and yet so far away.

Carmen Maria Machado wrote the book, and she wrote it about her relationship with an abuser who’s part of writing communities in Iowa City. Their relationship spans the U.S., but it mostly spans the distance between Iowa City, Iowa and Bloomington, Indiana.

I live in Iowa City, and I used to live in Bloomington. 6 years of the former followed by 12 years – and counting! – of the latter. Setting aside a year in Minneapolis, I’ve lived half my life in these two places.

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Syria Policy 101

A possible war with Syria rarely dominates the headlines, but it just as rarely strays too far from them. The situation has persisted since the Syrian civil war began in 2011. How did this happen, and where will it lead?

I’ll briefly review the history before diving into the policy details. The U.S.’s Syria policy fits well into the bipartisan foreign policy consensus, but it also reveals fault lines between Donald Trump and the Democrats, among other areas.

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