Alienation, autonomy, and ideology

Category: Activism (Page 16 of 30)

These are posts on activism from the blog Base and Superstructure. This takes many forms. The focus here is on political activism, above all on activist organizing and base-building. One concern is how to build effective movements. There’s also a need to create solidarity with fellow members and build coalitions with other groups. The main aim of good movements is to work together to advance material interests. This section also includes critiques of electoral work, and discussion of how and when to use elections to advance activist goals. Navigating the balance between grassroots work and electoral work is difficult for everyone.

Organic Leader: Potential Problems?

Just about everyone involved in leftist organizing in the last 5 years knows about Jane McAlevey. No Shortcuts became the go-to book for it. There’s a broader debate out there on how well McAlevey’s methods do in the real world. But I want to hone in on one idea from her book – the notion of the ‘organic leader.’

McAlevey advocates for an organizing model whereby the organizer – union organizer for McAlevey, but we could apply the model well beyond unions – starts by identifying organic leaders among workers. From there, the organic leader takes the lead in building support for the org.

There’s a lot I like about McAlevey’s approach. But I also think there’s a lot riding on the very organic leaders she appeals to. If we find problems with the very idea of an organic leader, it could put the org in trouble right from the start. So, let’s talk about that.

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Change and the Early Pandemic

I’m a regular reader of the magazine n+1. In each issue, we get a little set of essays at the beginning called The Intellectual Situation. This typically amounts to an essay of a few thousand words on some recent major topic. Ideally I think the topic stands out as one that’s particularly pressing among n+1’s readership. The idea isn’t without its problems. The essay often ends up centering the concerns of professional class progressives from New York. But it works out well enough.

Anyway, in the most recent issue, the author suggested that the early pandemic produced large changes in what’s politically possible. Changes that, ultimately, went away as the pandemic wore on.

Do readers agree with this? I know we saw large checks from the federal government in the early pandemic months. And we saw a rise in some kinds of social supports. But we also saw great inequality and, frankly, large pockets of selfishness.

I’m not convinced much changed, politically. The system adapted itself to the pandemic in as minimal a way as possible. For the most part, I think the background work needed was mostly missing. And so, most efforts at deep change made only small gains.

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Iowa City Activism: The Good and Bad

I moved to Iowa City in 2007, and I got involved in Iowa City activist communities almost right away. That means I’ve had almost 15 years to see the good and the bad. I also find myself much closer to 40 years old than to 30. It’s left me in a position where I want to reflect on some of those experiences.

I wrote some time ago about Iowa City politics. And even there, I made a few remarks on local non-electoral activism. But I’d like to revisit that and say more.

I won’t review everything, and I’m not going to dig too deeply into details. At least not in this post. And I want to focus more on general lessons than on specific orgs. In short, I’m going to look at the big picture. What works well and what doesn’t? What strengths and weaknesses stand out in Iowa City activist communities?

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‘ACAB’ as a Slogan

The slogan ‘ACAB’ (All Cops are Bastards) has been around a long time. It’s at least 100 years old, and was once used by gangsters and mobsters. More recently, anarchists and punks took it up. And yet more recently, ‘ACAB’ found a home among certain leftists and progressives.

I think it has its uses. But I have to admit, I find ‘ACAB’ as misleading as helpful.

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