Thoughts on production, alienation, and ideology
The DSA recently interviewed Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (AOC). And then the World Socialist Web Site (WSWS) criticized AOC from the left. Note for the curious: the WSWS is a small Trotskyist news site. As we’ll see, the WSWS offered less an informed critique than a string of informal fallacies.
But that comes later. For now, let’s take a look at AOC and her politics. What can we learn from the DSA interview and WSWS response?
After Bernie Sanders lost to Joe Biden, think pieces rolled off the assembly line. Whence did the Bernie Bros come, and where shall they go hence? Is there a movement bigger than Bernie?
In fact, that’s not quite true. The think pieces didn’t roll off the assembly line. COVID-19 washed most of them from the headlines along with everything else. And so, the U.S. press largely spared us from endless speculation on the future of the Bernie Sanders movement. But COVID also held us back. Leftists should think about this a bit. Where does the Bernie movement go from here? Even this question might assume too much. Is there still a Bernie movement? Or did it die in the couple of weeks after Super Tuesday?
Most electoral campaigns fall apart quickly. I’ve written about some of them: Cathy Glasson in Iowa and Elizabeth Warren nationally. That’s how most campaigns end. Remember the ‘Pete Buttigieg Movement’? Of course you don’t. Neither do I.
Is ‘Sandersism’ any different?
The Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) takes more criticism than almost any group on the U.S. left. People likewise criticize those who join the DSA.
They criticize the DSA for good and bad reasons. It’s had several prominent sexual harassment and assault scandals, including coverups from Los Angeles to Lawrence. Progress against harassment remains uneven, but the DSA did pass a new policy and grievance process. Misogyny remains an issue. Others criticize the DSA for its lack of diversity. My impression is that the DSA doesn’t have enough black members and members without a college degree. But it fares much better among Asian, Latinx, LGBTQ, and non-binary people. I also suspect the DSA has very few middle income people – for better or for worse. It seems to draw its members from extremes – low income, precariat workers and wealthier people.
I’m afraid criticism of the DSA quickly goes downhill from there. Plenty of Twitter-based leftists hate the group. They’re likely worried they might have to organize rather than grandstand if they join the DSA. It simply doesn’t fit their vision of ‘politics by voguing.’ Others find the DSA at odds with their brand of leftist politics. And the DSA is also enmeshed within a broader dispute over the role of identity politics and identitarianism. These remain difficult issues, and sometimes DSA people shove their foot in their mouth on it.
But back to the main topic: why you should join the DSA. Most of you should. Not all of you. Some of you can’t get past its problems. And that’s fine. But for most of you, the benefits greatly outweigh the problems.
It’s one thing to say we need a social democratic party – or socialist party – in the U.S. It’s quite another to say who its members will be.
But plenty of leftists think they’ve got it down. The story goes something like this. First, we organize around a social democratic platform: Medicare for All, a $15-20/hour minimum wage, free college and cancellation of student loan debt, housing for all, a Green New Deal, et al. Then, we use the strength and momentum from the social democratic program to push for more. We directly challenge the basic capitalist structure of ownership and control.
Sure, the plan has its problems and pitfalls. For example, do we organize within or outside of the Democratic Party? But most leftists endorse it in its broad outlines. For a couple of recent examples among many, see Bhaskar Sunkara’s book The Socialist Manifesto and Nathan J. Robinson’s book Why You Should Be a Socialist.
I do think the plan’s proponents underestimate the difficulty of finding a constituency for a social democratic party. They heavily rely on appeals to the materials interests of the U.S. working class, but those interests – and the size of the working class to which they appeal – are shakier than they think.
There’s been a lot of interest lately in the question of whether we need a socialist party in the US. Perhaps to put this in a way people might ask it: Do we need a socialist party in our time, and, if so, what would it look like? In one sense, it’s a surprising question. We have a socialist party in the US! In fact, we have lots of them.
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